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Revolution and Republic: 100 Articles in the Centennial

Revolution for the Republic, Republic for the Revolution…

The Republic of Turkey is entering its centennial in the darkness of counter-revolution. The Republic, established in the previous century firstly by defeating the occupiers and then the Sultan, was weakened by capitalists’ governments that turned their course towards imperialism and reactionism. The AKP (Justice and Developmen Party) governments of the last 20 years, established on the base of the destruction which is an outcome of a capitalist rationale, have openly transformed the process into a counter-revolution, leaving our country in face of the danger of collapse.

The destruction has not arrived in a day. The ground for the counter-revolution, carried out by a reactionary and collaborationist gang in the past 20 years, was laid by the capitalists’ governments hostile to the working class and socialism. Gangs and cults, emboldened to stop the awakening of the workers, first became partners in power and then the owners of power. The imperialist centers, whose services were entered to contain the Soviet Union and its allies, did not hesitate to lend a hand to the enemies of the Republic when conditions were ripe. The capitalist class, which had grown its wealth by stealing from the people during the Republican years, applauded the liquidation of the Republic when it got the opportunity to plunder state assets and beset the workers with reactionary networks.

Although the counter-revolutionaries are in an euphoria of victory, Turkey is not forlorn. The Republic, which was purged from the state, is rising today in the hands of the working people. The 100-year-old Republican experience and the revolutionary baggage of Turkey, which is an achievement of the former, sheds light on the future of our country.

Those who have been plundering the homeland for decades, emboldening gangs and cults, and acting as subcontractors to imperialism have done a lot of damage to our beautiful country, but they could not end the hope. They still could not make the people surrender. They could not wipe out the revolutionaries from this land. Here we are.

In the centennial of the Republic, the Movement of Revolution calls on the working people to take responsibility for a new revolutionary leap, not to settle for being voters, but to organize and struggle on the ground of revolutionary republicanism for a new and socialist republic.

For the revolution, HERE WE ARE.

  1. The idea and practice of republic in the modern sense is a historical achievement that expresses the transfer of the source of power from the sky to the earth, from the palace and dynasty to the people, and the transition of the population from subjects to citizens. The Republic of Turkey is the counterpart of this achievement in our country, the achievement being the product of the French Revolution and having first swept Europe and then the whole world.
  2. The Republican experience is the product and pinnacle of the earlier baggage of the Turkish modernization which nowadays has a history of 200 years. In this historical process, Turkey has experimented four distinct waves of modernization, and each wave has gifted new programmatic elements to Turkish progressivism.
  3. The four waves in Turkey’s modernization are, respectively, the Tanzimat, the Constitutional Monarchy, the Republic, and the leftwing rise of the 60s. These four waves have brought programmatic elements to Turkish progressivism such as, respectively, the construction of a modern central state, citizenship and popular sovereignty, the struggle for independence against imperialism, and the working class struggle and power. In Turkey, the program of revolution has been shaped through the adding up and advancement of the programmatic elements produced by each wave.
  4. The first wave of modernization in Turkey started with the establishment of the Translation Chamber in 1821, and the abolition of the Janissary Corps and the creation of a modern army in 1826. The pinnacle of these breakthroughs, which brought modern military and diplomatic structures to the Ottoman State, was the Tanzimat Edict in 1839, which stipulated that the powers of the Sultan could be limited and that all Ottoman subjects, regardless of their religious affiliations, had equal rights. With this wave, the construction of a modern central state indisputably became state policy, and the progressive-reactionary struggle then resumed on a plane where this was taken as a given by both sides.
  5. Turkish modernization started mainly in the fields of military and diplomacy, but the transformation was not limited to them. The modernized state mechanism, to the extent that it touched the lives of the people, has transformed the people and enabled the notion of citizenship to find a base. Such development is an inevitable result of the modernization dynamic.
  6. In the decades from the proclamation of the Tanzimat Edict to the 1870s, very important reforms were made in the legal, educational and administrative structure, and these reforms had a direct impact on the daily lives of the people, adapting them to the modernization process and accelerating the formation of the citizen as a category. The proclamation of the constitution and the establishment of the parliament in 1876 at the initiative of Mithat Pasha brought this series of reforms to the pinnacle, and laid the ground for the second wave. Although Abdülhamid II’s abolition of the constitution and parliament on the pretext of war interrupted such important transformation in a short period of two years, the idea of constitutionalism, a significant theme of Turkish progressivism, thus gained a foothold, and became an important political struggle agenda for the progressives of the upcoming decades.
  7. One of the indispensable elements of the modernization of the state is the construction of a centralized infrastructure. The construction of an advanced transportation and communication infrastructure, mainly for military purposes, forced the feudal structure to dissolve in the Ottoman country by laying the ground for a capitalist economy and a modern social structure. Though having remained relatively weak in terms of capital accumulation dynamics, the Ottoman experiment of modernization led to the sprouting of capitalist relations in major cities, and the shaping of a bourgeois social structure and culture. This process has a historically progressive character.
  8. The spread of modern schools opened with the aim of training civilian-military bureaucrats to run the modern state apparatus has created a stratum of intellectuals, in the Ottoman territory, familiar with Enlightened ideas with a Western background along with modern technical knowledge. These schools, where many intellectuals and revolutionaries, including Mustafa Kemal, were educated, have been the bedrock of progressive and revolutionary ideas in the Ottoman society.
  9. The end of the autocratic regime and the pinnacle of the second wave of modernization in Turkey came in 1908 with the re-enactment of the constitution and the reopening of the parliament as a result of the struggle centred in the Balkans under the leadership of the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP). Basing the administration of the state on a set of rules, i.e., the constitution, rather than the absolute and unquestionable power of the sultan, was a reflection of the pre-revolutionary notion of constitutionalism and was a critical development in terms of purging the power structure from feudal privileges. In this wave, marked by citizenship and popular sovereignty, further steps were taken for the construction of a modern central state, and the state mechanism and legal framework were significantly laicised.
  10. With the 1908 Revolution, the progressive-reactionary polarization, which can be observed from the early periods of Turkish modernization, intensified and became the main polarization and historical fault line of Turkey. Many political and ideological debates around laicism, citizenship and popular sovereignty in Turkey, which have continued to date, have their roots in the post-1908 period. In this respect, the 1908 Revolution, which set out to resolve the problems of union and progress, is a critical milestone that must be unquestionably embraced by the revolutionaries of Turkey.
  11. The Committee of Union and Progress was not determined enough to seize power in the first stage of the 1908 Revolution, and after taking the power, it, as a consequence of engaging in the imperialist war, which itself was the product of the newly emerging phenomenon of imperialism, became party to the responsibility for a series of multi-faceted destruction and tragedies that the Ottoman territory would experience in a short period of time. Being a consequence of the lack of knowledge and experience and affliction with the weaknesses of the bourgeois worldview on the side of the leadership cadres who took responsibility at an early stage in our revolutionary history, such a picture, which led to the failure of the goals of union and progress can be ground for detecting the weaknesses of the 1908 Revolution, and sublating, not rejecting, it.
  12. The first wave of Turkish modernization took place majorly on the ground of Ottomanism, based on the union of all subjects from all religious, ethnic and national backgrounds on the basis of citizenship. However, as the rising nationalist movements across Europe reverberated among non-Muslim subjects and the Ottoman State began to lose territory to the states of the Christian nations that had broken away from it on its western borders, the winds have changed towards Islamist and Turkist paradigms. With the Balkan Wars, which forced the Ottoman State to withdraw almost completely from the Balkans, doubts regarding the loyalty of non-Muslim subjects to the country raised among the intelligentsia, and nationalism became the mainstream. The rise of such notion among the Ottoman intelligentsia, albeit a product of a defeat period and an expression of despair, played a progressive role by laying the ground for transition from empire to nation-state.
  13. The endless wars that started with the Balkan Wars and continued with World War I and then the War of Independence for more than 10 years devastated the Ottoman country, and resulted in great massacres and mass migrations for different ethnic and religious communities in the Ottoman country and its nearby geography. This situation led to great suffering and a radical change in demographic structures in a wide region. The tragedy that emerged as a result of the Christian components, especially the Armenians and Greeks, being forced to almost completely desert Anatolia, was a product of the same process as the tragedies experienced by the Turks who were forced to leave the Balkans and the Circassians who were forced to leave the Caucasus.
  14. The series of wars and ethnic conflicts that resulted in radical changes both in the political map and demographic structures in our region have also had significant consequences for Turkey, which emerged in the context of the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire. In the said historical process, as a result of the Armenian Deportation of 1915 and the Population Exchange of 1924, the Christian presence in our country was largely eliminated, and the ethnic and religious composition of Anatolia permanently changed. This picture has been a product of the failure of the goal of “union” on part of the 1908 Revolution.
  15. The criticisms of the Republic and Turkish modernization in general on the basis of standing for “Western imitation,” “top-down approach,” and “militarism” are anachronistic and far from reality. Westernism, a general characteristics of Turkish modernization and the Republican revolution, is synonymous with progressivism. The top-down organized nature of these processes through seized political power is a common feature of all revolutionary processes, and the density of military cadres is a natural result of Turkey’s historical conditions.
  16. In almost every part of the world, including Turkey, European political and intellectual history has been the source of progressive ideas in modern sense, and therefore, being revolutionary is indeed being a Westernist in sense of advocating progressive values of Western origin. The advocacy of “Oriental wisdom” to the contrary of revolutionary ideas of Western origin is historically reactionary, and the task of socialists is to sublate bourgeois revolutionary ideas of Western origin.
  17. It is one of the basic truths of scientific socialism that revolutions are authoritarian acts by their very nature. The Republican revolution, which is not exempt from this basic truth, has also been authoritarian by its very nature. The density of cadres with a military background in the the Second Constitutional and Republican experiments is not a matter of isolation from the people, but, thanks to the modern education they could receive, of the weight military students, themselves being children of the poor people, within the progressive and revolutionary intellectual cadre resources of Turkish modernization. These revolutionary processes, which the dominant liberal-reactionary paradigm designates “top-down,” have meanwhile increased popular participation in politics in Turkey, and subsequently reinforced the material ground on which broad masses of people could participate in politics.
  18. The first two waves of Turkish modernization, with their achievements in the context of the building of modern central state and the concepts of citizenship and popular sovereignty that had marked them and in cadre accumulation, have laid the ground for the Republican experiment. The Republican experiment, by carrying these two programmatic elements way further and adding the struggle for independence against imperialism to the revolutionary program of Turkey, has constituted the pinnacle of our modernization history.
  19. With the emergence of the working class struggle and power as the main element that redefined the ground and nature of the programmatic elements of the first three stages in the fourth wave represented by the leftwing rise of the 60s, revolutionism in Turkey has gained a working-class character. Today’s revolutionary movement is the continuation of the fourth wave. The fourth wave is the only wave of Turkish modernization that has not yet had a ruling experience.
  20. Whilst the revolutionary program has been updated through the problematics raised by different waves of modernization, a similar process has been experienced on part of the counter-revolutionary program. All the progressive and revolutionary achievements in our history have created new conditions, and the counter-revolutionary program has been updated in ways either aiming to prevent revolutionary transformations, or to eliminate, erode or decontextualize such achievements. Today’s revolutionary task is to derive a new revolutionary strategy from the baggage of four waves of modernization and the longer-than-twenty-years struggle against the AKP’s counter-revolution, and to bring the revolutionary program to power through the organized struggle of the working people. In today’s conditions where the counter-revolution has purged the Republic from the state, socialists should have a revolutionary republican political identity in sense of embracing the entire Turkish modernization baggage by sublating it, representing the leading edge of this baggage, and carrying out the struggle for socialism by pioneering the Republican entity.
  1. Coming out of World War I in defeat losing a significant portion of its territory, the Ottoman State shrank to a small region, and with the occupation of the capital city, it de facto lost its sovereignty. Under these conditions, the Republican revolution took place in two separate stages: liberation and establishment.
  2. The contraction of the country’s borders to Anatolia and Eastern Thrace in the post-war conditions resulted not only in a great loss of power and influence but also in a decrease in the ethnic, national and religious diversity of the population. Entailing relinquishment from an imperial claim and consequently transition to a nation-state, that situation emerged as the inevitable result of the Ottoman State’s withdrawal from the Balkans in he aftermath of the Balkan Wars and loss of the Arab provinces in World War I.
  3. Coming forward as the leader of the liberation and establishment processes, Mustafa Kemal won the revolution the victory by utilizing the prior modernization baggage and the opportunities that emerged in the regional equation. Carrying the programmatic achievements of the previous modernization waves, namely the construction of modern central state and citizenship and popular sovereignty, way further and adding to them the struggle for independence against imperialism, the Republic has constituted the pinnacle of Turkish modernization, and reinforced the material ground for a possible socialist establishment in Turkey.
  4. The phenomenon of imperialism as the highest stage of capitalism emerged as of the 20th century and led to World War I. The Republican revolution, with its stages of liberation and establishment, was born into a context in which capitalism had shifted to the imperialist stage, and the leadership cadres of the revolution objectively took a progressive stance against the phenomenon of imperialism.
  5. Thanks to the necessary lessons derived by the founding cadres from the adventurism of the Unionists that had resulted in destruction and to the presence of Soviet Russia, the first socialist country in history, the Republican experiment gained an anti-imperialist character. Having united the forces tending to resist the occupiers in the projected territories of Turkey to be established as a nation-state as an Ottoman residue and thus filled the power vacuum left by the Ottoman palace that surrendered to the occupiers, the National Forces movement was able to achieve the liberation struggle also by gaining the multidimensional support of the Soviet leadership, which itself was in irreconcilable opposition to imperialism on behalf of the international working class movement. As a determined and consistent equilibrant against imperialism, the Soviet factor played a role in Turkey’s finding ground for existence as an independent country.
  6. The foundations of the socialist movement in Turkey was also laid in the context of the balance shaped by the Soviet presence and the struggle for liberation. In the Baku Congress on September 10, 1920, which followed the Congress of the Peoples of the East, the Communist Party of Turkey was founded, with the coming together of war prisoners in Russia, including Mustafa Suphi, who had the opportunity to directly observe Bolshevism, intellectual cadres such as Şefik Hüsnü, who became acquainted with Marxist classics while studying in Western countries, and socialistic veins which took part in the resistance movements against the occupation in Anatolia.
  7. Setting out with the goal of crowning Turkey’s struggle for independence with the transition to socialism, the Communist Party of Turkey (TKP), the first Bolshevik party of Turkey, maintained the socialist movement in Turkey to be born at the heart of the political struggle and as an organic component of the country’s struggle for existence. Although it had a significant influence in the parliament and within the liberation struggle, the TKP, as a result of the political murdering of its leadership cadres, could not become the pioneering force in the liberation and establishment processes, but, despite losing its political and social influence after the War of Independence, it continued to find support among the intelligentsia, and created a valuable cadre accumulation that would contribute to the rise of the socialist movement in the 1960s.
  8. Having grasped that it was not realistic to claim rights in the Ottoman residue geography, Mustafa Kemal’s leadership, via the “Peace at home, peace in the world” policy based on Turkey’s sovereignty and security, kept our country away from dangerous conflicts and imperialist provocations. Following the Treaty of Lausanne, which granted international status to Turkey’s right to sovereignty, abstention from military tensions in the attempts to annex Mosul and Hatay to Turkey just came with the territory based on that policy. Friendship with the Soviet Union strengthened the objectively anti-imperialist aspect of the “Peace at home, peace in the world” policy.
  9. Having, in the establishment period which followed the liberation, officially ended the Ottoman order and also eliminated the dual power condition by abolishing the Sultanate and the Caliphate, transferred the power to the assembly as the governing body of the people, abolished religious institutions in the educational and legal realms and thus made laic and modern ones principal, enacted a more comprehensive constitution, developed and nationalized the transportation and communication infrastructure, the Republican experiment is one of the most radical revolutions of its time. The novelties brought about by the Republic have not only accelerated the construction of a modern central state but also strengthened the notion of citizenship, and matured the ground for the participation of broader masses of people in politics.
  10. The Republic’s restrictions on religious ideology and its institutions have, contrary to the liberal paradigm’s criticism of “oppression,” emancipated the people. Challenges to the influence of these institutions, which passivize and oppress the people and envisage that individuals see themselves not as equal citizens but as subjects and servants, enabled the notion of citizenship to find a base and the individuals turned-to-citizens to participate more in political and social life. Such practices, which could be designated “oppressive” from a purely formal point of view, have contributed to expand the realm of freedoms in Turkey and to render them actually usable.
  11. The progress made in women’s rights and freedoms during the Republican period has also contributed to the creation of the citizen. The Republican experiment, which has established a legal framework that envisages equality between men and women and encouraged women’s participation in economic, social and political life, has been a libertarian and emancipatory process with these features.
  12. Having chosen to create a domestic capitalist class and a path of capitalist development based on this class, the Republic has accelerated the development of capitalism in Turkey. Based on the prior weakness of capitalist relations in our country, this choice, which stood for transition from feudalism to capitalism and was therefore progressive by nature, has also meant the strengthening of the material basis for a transition to socialism in Turkey. However, based on the entailment of opposition to the working class struggle and power, the fact that the choice of capitalization was made in the age of socialist revolutions opened up by the Soviet Revolution has rendered the revolutionary character of the Republican experiment contradictory and deficient.
  13. Having grasped that economic independence is a must to preserve political independence, the Republic, although leaning towards a liberal economic model with the Izmir Economic Congress in 1923, aimed to achieve economic independence by abolishing the capitulations and nationalizing critical sectors and infrastructure elements such as maritime, railways and mining. The transition to statism for self-protection from the effects of the economic crisis that swept the whole world with the 1929 Depression has strengthened economic independence, and led to the emergence of flavors of the USSR’s planning model in the Turkish economy.
  14. Coming into force in 1934 as a necessity of statist economy, The First Five-Year Industrial Plan was partially inspired by Soviet socialism; the industrialization leap achieved based on the plan was made possible via the technical and financial assistance of the USSR. Turkey’s transition to statist economy, although bearing a capitalist nature, is one of the examples where the Soviet factor incented the Republican experiment for progress and created a baggage that can be taken as a reference for the future socialist Turkey.
  15. Soviet socialism, which gave Turkey a friendly hand during the liberation struggle, enabled Turkey to find a ground for existence in the age of imperialism, and incented Turkey’s Republican experiment for progress. In such context, hostility to revolution and socialism in Turkey has become synonymous with reactionism.
  16. Turkey’s Republican experiment bears an undoubtedly progressive and revolutionary nature in terms of three out of four fundamental elements which Turkey’s revolutionary program is to be based on, that is, the construction of a modern central state, citizenship and popular sovereignty, and the struggle for independence against imperialism. Preferring the capitalist path due to its bourgeois class character and, for the same reason, being opposed to the fourth fundamental programmatic element, which is the working class struggle and power, the Republic justified such opposition based on the thesis that Turkish society is a “classless, unprivileged, fused mass,” and condemned working class politics and ideology. As a result, it failed to eradicate the roots of reactionism, and was doomed to make concessions to the enemies of the Republic. Also in line with this choice, the prevention of the establishment of trade unions and socialist parties, which are the organisations of the economic and political struggle of the working class, and the obstruction of working class based organisations left the Republic defenceless to the extent that it weakened the working class.
  17. Beginning to falter, amidst the upheavals caused by World War II, in the policy of Soviet friendship, rulers of Turkey, in the post-1945 period which was marked by the struggle between the imperialist-capitalist system and the experiment of actually existing socialism, made their choice overtly in favour of the US imperialism. This choice, which, particularly under the Democratic Party’s rule, led to honor tarnishing consequences on our country’s part such as participation in imperialist operations such as the Korean War, NATO membership, and hostility towards regional countries where patriotic governments came to power via revolutions, caused a setback not only in independence but also in laicism and consequently in the notion of citizenship and popular sovereignty. Incented by the Soviet presence for progress, the Republic, to the extent that the country’s course was turned towards imperialism, experienced a setback in every sense.
  18. Having found a ground for existence in the baggage created by the Tanzimat and Constitutional waves and the balance created by the Soviet presence, the Republic is the latest stage of government experience within the waves of Turkish modernization, of which it constitutes the pinnacle. The leftwing rise of the 60s, which evaluated the previous modernization baggage, especially the Republic, on the basis of socialist thought and rearticulated the fundamental problematics of Turkish progressivism in a socialist framework, suffers from the deficincies of lacking a government experience.
  1. During the 1950s, the collaborationist and reactionary Democratic Party (DP) government’s concessions to the enemies of the Republic and gradual evolution into a dictatorship regime increased discontent among the people. Raised by the intelligentsia and university youth, the anti-DP opposition began to find a foothold in the civilian and military bureaucracy. The National Unity Committee (NUC), which overthrew the DP via military intervention on 27 May 1960, emerged as a young officers’ movement relying on the baggage created by all these opposition dynamics and partly influenced by them.
  2. Feeling the pressure of the rising reaction against the DP in the population, the NUC, a heterogeneous movement that included left-leaning patriotic officers as well as the far-right group of 14s led by Alparslan Türkeş and liberal constituents, sought intellectual support from anti-DP democratic intelligentsia to design the new era, and they have thus enabled Turkey to enter a democratic and libertarian period in the 1960s. This situation created a favourable environment for the re-establishment of the socialist movement in Turkey.
  3. With the influence of the progressive intellectuals of the era, a progressive and democratic constitution came into force in 1961. By virtue of both the constitution itself and the political environment in which it was made, a new era opened up, where the socialists experienced an increase in the political weight of their words and an expansion in their social outreach. The period that opened up in the 1960s offered the left a fertile political ground in Turkey. Blending with the coming forward workers’, youth and intelligentsia dynamics of the era, cadres of TKP origin contributed to the re-establishment of the socialist movement with new political struggle agendas and new cadre sources.
  4. Developments such as the expansion of freedom of organization and expression that increased political participation, the National Remainder system and the bicameral political system, as well as the autonomy of critical institutions such as universities and TRT (Turkish Radio and Television Corporation), the limitation of the authorities of the executive body through the establishment of the Constitutional Court, and the establishment of the State Planning Organization (SPO) as an autonomous institution, which granted the notion of planning a constitutional basis, have been progressive achievements for Turkey. These achievements contributed to the political and ideological legitimacy of socialism and offered socialists effective political struggle topics.
  5. Making good use of the opportunities that emerged in the 1960s, the socialist movement, with its various constituents, established a productive relationship with the overall baggage of Turkish modernization, especially the Republic, with the objective of “sublation,” and experienced a political revival around themes such as independence, development and constitution. To the extent that it could respond to the country’s political agendas based on socialist ideology and politics, become an organic part and the most progressed constituent of Republicanism and expand its social base, the socialist movement, by virtue of this political revival, was able to get involved in the political arena. Thus becoming an alternative for power and the sole representative of revolutionism, the socialist movement created the fourth wave of Turkish modernization.
  6. Represented by the socialists, the fourth wave of modernization made progressivism in Turkey rather complete and consistent, but could not experience power. Despite being interrupted due to lack of government experience, the struggle experience accumulated by the leftwing rise of the 60s remains up-to-date.
  7. In the 1960s, the Turkish left experienced a rise where came forward three main currents, which are TİP (Workers’ Party of Turkey), Dev-Genç (Revolutionary Youth), and the Yön/Devrim (Course/Revolution) movement, and the social basis relied on was the working class, youth, and intelligentsia. Notwithstanding significant political and ideological divergences between them, all three of these main currents established a positive relationship with the baggage of Turkish modernization, especially the Republic.
  8. The political revival of the Turkish left around the themes of independence, development, and constitution was not based on a retreat from the goal of revolution and socialism, but contrarily, on relating these themes and relevant political agendas to the problematic of revolution. Addressing contemporaneous issues in the context of possible revolutionary strategies, the Turkish left, in the 1960s, approached to the notion of revolution, and gained a power perspective.
  9. The leftwing rise of the 60s was the point at which the entire socialist movement in Turkey, establishing a constructive relationship with the Republican legacy, aimed for a further progressed plane and established the most sound relationship with this legacy. In the following periods, the transformation of the socialist critique of the Republican experiment and Kemalism from the relationship of “sublating the Republican legacy” to the nature of “settling accounts with Kemalism” damaged the Republican character of the Turkish socialist movement, and, synonymously, distanced the socialists from the political arena and the goal of power.
  10. Having identified the mutually nourishing relationship between the Republican legacy and socialism also on their part, the imperialist centers and representatives of the capitalist class have, in order to block the socialist movement, given room to Turkish-Islamic synthesisers, who are enemies of the Republic. To count a couple of instances of this, one can recall Islamization of the nationalist movement led by Türkeş as of the second half of the 1960s, the coming forward of religionist reactionary militants in counter-guerrilla provocations targeting the left, especially the Bloody Sunday, the fact that the March 12th and September 12th coup plotters did not content themselves with judiciary and police measures against socialists, but also targeted the achievements of the 1961 Constitution and weakened the Republican accumulation in state institutions to hand them over to anti-Republican cadres.
  11. Being largely shaped during the leftwing rise of the 60s, the organizational map of the Turkish left has developed based on the main currents that emerged in that period. These main currents, with the contributions of cadres from previous periods as well as those who were groomed in this period, became independent political and organizational entities with their own political and ideological frameworks. Today’s revolutionary movement is the continuation of the fourth wave of Turkish modernization; today’s revolutionary task is to grant this wave an experience of power.
  1. The 12 September coup by pro-American generals was the point where the leftwing wave of the 60s, hardly stopped by the 12 March intervention in 1971, was cut off. Carried out in 1980 with the open support of the USA, the 12 September coup, in addition to cutting off the socialist movement, which represented Turkey’s enlightened future, was also an operation that aimed transition to a neoliberal economic model that envisaged the liquidation of labor rights and statist achievements.
  2. The framework of the goal of transition to neoliberalism, which was among the targets of September 12th, was laid out with the 24 January Decisions announced by the Demirel government in the same year. The fact that the two most prominent figures behind the 24 January Decisions, which stood for a harsh aggression by the capitalist class against the working class, were the then Prime Minister Süleyman Demirel and then SPO Undersecretary Turgut Özal, who were among the most important figures of right-wing politics in Turkey, is one of the clearest examples of the anti-labor nature of the right.
  3. Having suspended fundamental rights and freedoms and the rule of law and thus cracked down on the socialist movement with a coercive manner, the 12 September coup, through murders, torture and trials that considered revolutionism a crime, managed to reduce the strength of the socialist movement. Having gone beyond an interruption and weakening of the political activities of socialist circles individually and the socialist movement as a whole, that period was a moment where revolutionism experienced criminalization and a decrease in social legitimacy. It stood for a successful operation on part of the capitalist class and for a defeat on part of the working people.
  4. Conditioned by the goals of liquidating the left and transitioning to neoliberalism, September 12th was an operation that, accordingly, also damaged the Republican legacy. In line with its reactionary objectives, it has purged state institutions not only of socialists but also of progressive, enlightened cadres of leftist orientation, and, making the Turkish-Islamic synthesis the dominant paradigm, filled them instead with enemies of the Republic. A product of the 12 September junta’s hatred towards all forms of progressivism, this policy culminated in the strengthening of religionist reactionism in Turkey and an increase in its social legitimacy.
  5. Having begun with the 1983 elections held under conditions determined by the 12 September coup, the ANAP (Motherland Party) government initiated an era in which the line of September 12th was further consolidated by a civilian government. This period, led by Turgut Özal as Prime Minister and President, was when privatizations began in Turkey by pushing the constitutional limits, Turkey’s integration into international financial markets accelerated and the country was thus further opened up to the plunder of foreign monopolies, the rights of labor were usurped, government support for religionist reactionism and cults increased, the violation of rules and laws by the government and bureaucrats became normalized, the ground was tested for adventures with a military dimension in foreign policy, and bold steps were taken for subcontracting in US operations in the region. The ANAP government era, during which Turkey’s statist, enlightenmentist and patriotic baggage was severely damaged, was not only the logical end of September 12th but also the source of a reactionary acquis that would be implemented even further recklessly by the AKP government from the 2000s onwards.
  6. The dissolution of the USSR in 1991 deprived Turkey of an important component of its ground for existence and created uncertainty in terms of Turkey’s role and mission in the world. In this period, the efforts of the capitalists’ governments to define a new role for Turkey on the axes of the Caucasus and the Turkic republics were inconclusive; under such circumstances, the 90s passed as a period of deep uncertainty where Turkey lacked a course.
  7. The disappearance of the Soviet presence led to a wave of reactionism worldwide; Turkey, which was experiencing the destructive impact of September 12th at that time, came forward as one of the countries where this wave of reactionism was experienced most severely. In the 90s, when the line of September 12th reached to its logical end, religionist reactionism became the most powerful political center in Turkey, and, besides winning many metropolitan municipalities, especially those of Istanbul and Ankara, it was also able to attain to the Prime Ministry.
  8. The Kurdish question became an important crisis dynamic for the system in Turkey in the 80s and 90s. Having been largely largely ignored and thus delayed following the suppression of the armed uprisings in the early Republican era, the Kurdish question, in the September 12th context, gained an armed dimension that was to go beyond Turkey’s borders. In this period, attempts to resolve the problem mainly through military means failed; apart from the few years of calming down following the capture of Abdullah Öcalan with the support of the USA, the Kurdish question, with its military and political dimensions, remained unresolved. Moreover, the employment of illegal methods and mafia-gang elements in the context of attempts to resolve the Kurdish question through military means was normalized; cadres involved in all kinds of filth, including international arms and drug smuggling, had been nested within the state.
  9. The fact that religionist reactionism, embodied in the Welfare Party (RP) that came to power and in cults, and the counter-guerrilla, whose mafiatic nature was exposed with the Susurluk accident in 1996, got out of control had become a topic of crisis topic for the system; the 28 February move by the General Staff in 1997 came up as an attempt to normalize Turkey by trimming the extremes. Having never had the horizon of breaking with the American axis, which has been the main reason for Turkey’s gangrened problems, and consequently refrained from eradicating the sources of reactionism, the February 28th paradigm inevitably remained inconclusive and yielded no result other than being interrupted within a few years; the religionist reactionism come to power by getting stronger under AKP, which was a new and rather refined project.
  10. With the snap appointment of Kemal Derviş, then Vice President of the World Bank (WB), as the Minister of Economy in the wake of the 2001 crisis, the steerage of the Turkish economy was directly handed over to the USA; Turkey’s neoliberal transformation was accelerated through foreign intervention. Labor rights were usurped; the trigger was pulled on aggressive privatization in strategic sectors; a number of critical sectors and products such as energy, alcoholic beverages, tobacco, and sugar were handed over to supreme boards that were not open to public control; first steps were taken in the liquadation of agriculture. Having been justified based on the shock triggered by the 2001 crisis, such aggressions laid the ground for the AKP’s enmity towards labor, both by entirely laying the burden of the economic crisis which impoverished the people rapidly and of the “austerity” policies of the post-crisis period on the Ecevit government and by leaving an applicable neoliberal transformation program to the upcoming period’s government.
  11. The 80s and 90s have also led to significant changes for the Turkish left. Having taken place 11 years apart, September 12th and the dissolution of the USSR were two major traumas for the left; in addition to the intense coercion towards the left in these periods, significant changes in the objective conditions landslided the ground on which the left was standing. In addition to the traumatic effect of the coercion and tortures of September 12th, the strengthening of the Kurdish political movement and the rise of religionist reactionism culminated in shifts in Turkey’s political-ideological map which had damaged the Turkish left’s belonging to the country. Consequently, a new type of leftism gained influenced, characterized by severing its ties with the Republican legacy and the Turkish land, and, synonymously, retreating from the claim to power.
  12. In the 90s, the labor and youth movements pioneered by the left managed to massify, and thus create some significant experiments. However, due to the liberalization of the revolutionary cadres of the past and increasing influence of new libleft foci, the 90s were experienced a period in which identity politics and liberal tendencies gained strength within the Turkish left and both power perspective and revolutionary experiments of the past were, in the name of leftism, condemned. The impact of liberalism that intruded into the left also harmed the massifying labor and youth movements.
  1. The Republic, whose achievements were eroded and revolutionary character was isolated through the siege of the capitalist class, imperialist centers and reactionary clusters, faced a new danger in the 2000s. With the AKP coming to power alone in 2002, it was for the first time in the history of the Republic when a force which, beyond being dissatisfied with its achievement, was aiming to eliminate the Republic itself became the sole owner of political power. This situation also represented a new stage in the progressive-reactionary polarization.
  2. The AKP government coincided with a stage in which domestic and foreign conditions for a counter-revolution were matured and overlapping. With the dissolution of the USSR and, consequently, the destabilization of the world’s balance in favor of reactionism, an important constituent of Turkey’s ground for existence also disappeared; US imperialism, accelerating its preparations for the invasion of Iraq following Afghanistan, was starting the period of direct interventions to reshape the balances in Turkey’s nearby. Domestically, the religionist reactionary organization, which had, relying on the baggage based on the concept of anti-communism which was intensified especially after September 12th, already gained strength, had renewed itself based on the lessons derived from the RP experiment and established the AKP as a project further compatible with both the US-EU imperialism and the dominant constituents of the capitalist class and the state in Turkey. Moreover, the 2001 crisis had led to the collapse of mainstream parties of the system politics and to a significant acceleration of the neoliberal transformation by Kemal Derviş, who was mounted to the government by the USA. The AKP emerged as a political project that was fully compatible with these domestic and foreign conditions, and volunteered to completely fulfil the requirements of the system.
  3. Under the AKP government, all the achievements of the Republic were erased from the state; a counter-revolutionary process was experienced. During the AKP government period, first the state institutions affiliated with the government, then the Presidency, universities, judiciary and military, respectively, were seized by the cadres hostile to the Republic. In parallel with this, laicism was de facto by-passed in the functioning of the state; public and legal checking was eliminated in all administrative processes; state assets and statist achievements in the economic system were liquidated; Turkey’s dependence on imperialism in the economic and other realms deepened; Turkey was made more vulnerable to foreign interventions.
  4. The AKP, which had originateding from the National Outlook, embraced all congregations and cults including those with which this tradition was relatively distant and in competition, and, thus gathering almost all the foci of religionist reactionism in Turkey under a single roof, chose to govern Turkey as a coalition of cults and congregations. In line with this preference, reactionary caderization was implemented in all state institutions, institutions were shared among cults, education was reactionized and rendered unqualified, and political and social life was besieged by religious ideology.
  5. The AKP government, resuming the neoliberal transformation initiated by Kemal Derviş, eroded the gains of labor and social rights, made the largest-scale privatizations in the history of the Republic and thus liquidated state assets, and created a robber and plunder economy that provided great advantages to the entire capitalist class while favoring its own crony capital. In this period, when the state withdrew from many areas including strategic sectors, the weight of foreign capital increased greatly; Turkey became dependent on the money flow from the oil-rich Gulf countries; agriculture and animal husbandry were collapsed; the Turkish economy became much more fragile and foreign-dependent. While the capitalists expanded their wealth at the cost of Turkey’s hands being tyed, the laborers were increasingly impoverished.
  6. Rejecting the Republican foreign policy principle of “Peace at home, peace in the world,” the AKP government has always strived to take an active role in the imperialist aggressions against the countries in the region, antagonized the neighbouring peoples against Turkey by acting as the subcontractor of imperialism in many cases, and, dreaming of conquests, endangered Turkey’s security by carrying out direct occupations and supporting jihadist organizations. Either, from period to period, acting unilaterally as the subcontractor and hitman of the US-EU bloc or oscillating between the US and Russia, the AKP governments have always put Turkey into dangerous games, and rendered Turkey further open and vulnerable to possible foreign interventions.
  7. The EU harmonization process, which was presented under the guise of democratization and opening up to the world in the early years of the AKP government, came forward as a consequence of an adventurist and collaborationist understanding, albeit with different discourses. Having packed its hostility to the Republic in a Western and visionary package in this period, AKP made progress in transforming Turkey and redefining its role in the world, and, meeting with the dominant constituents within ghe state unhappy with its Islamist nature on the common ground of US-EU affiliation, gained time. The Kurdish opening that the AKP tried in these years also fit into this context.
  8. The “democratic opening,” “peace process,” and war periods that succeeded each other in AKP’s Kurdish policy, although seemingly contradictory, are consistent in terms of AKP’s counter-revolutionary agenda. The first period was marked with the aim of transforming Turkey in line with the expectations of the imperialist centers; in the second period, the already-transformed Turkey was dragged into adventures aimed at possible conquests; in the final period, as the dreams of conquests came to naught, dangerous moves were made by oscillating between the US and Russia in an attempt to save the day. Shaped by AKP’s counter-revolutionary goals, none of these policies have yielded a result in favor of the people.
  9. Towards the centennial of the Republic, Turkey has sunk into a quagmire in the Middle East. Having become a party to unsustainable tensions, especially in Syria, the AKP government has dragged neighbour Syria into collapse, and brought Turkey face to face with an immigration crisis. Hosting millions of asylees and refugees, especially Syrians, Turkey has taken on a burden that it cannot bear in economic and social aspects.
  10. The counter-revolutionary transformation carried out by the AKP government is also a series of liquidations in which the judiciary is weaponized. Symbolic trials such as Ergenekon, Balyoz, Military Espionage, and Revolutionary Headquarters served not only the attempts to suppress the opposition against AKP but also redesign of state institutions, particularly the Turkish Armed Forces (TAF). Gülenist judiciary and police officers played an active role in these trials; the Gülen cult, which acted as a battering ram in political trials, managed to seize many important state ranks by placing its own cadres in the places vacated by those who were eliminated.
  11. The September 12th, 2010 referendum was a the critical milestone of the redesign of state institutions and Gülenist caderization. With the constitutional amendment package presented to the society with the propaganda of “settling accounts with coups,” which the liberal circles who, embracing the slogan “Not enough but yes,” used to support AKP at that time also willingly became tools of, the way was paved for the higher ranks of the judiciary to be shaped by the government; the high judiciary came under the control of the Gülenist gang. This development, which took place with the indirect support of the Kurdish political movement that decided to boycott the September 12th referendum instead of voting for “No,” largely removed the legal obstacles to the political trials that functioned in line with the needs of the counter-revolution.
  12. More than first 10 years of the AKP government was experienced as an alliance with the Gülen cult and actually as an AKP-Gülenist coalition. When, on February 7th, 2012, the Gülenist judiciary attempted to arrest the then National Intelligence Organization (MİT) Undersecretary Hakan Fidan, the tension between these two partners was revealed; with the December 17-25 operations in 2013, it became clear that the ties were broken. This situation also affected the course of the then more-than-ten-year-long counter-revolutionary process carried out by two partners, who had organizational competition in between but had little to no ideological divergence. In the post-December 17-25 period, the AKP-Gülenist conflict became one of the determining factors, and forced AKP, which did not withdraw its counter-revolutionary agenda, to establish a more fragmented and heterogeneous alliance platform.
  13. Having failed to repeat its success in destruction in the stage of establishment, AKP government, while not having much difficulty in purging the Republic from the state, fell short in establishing a new regime. What was effective in this inadequacy was, in addition to the Gezi Resistance putting a stop to AKP’s counter-revolutionary agenda, the intellectual shallowness of religionist reactionism, whose mainstream is represented today by AKP. At this point, the state, with the counter-revolutionary cadres having conquered critical ranks and the Republic having been purged, has been disintegrated; the AKP government, having failed to re-integrate the state to the extent it has failed to establish a new regime, has boiled down to a counter-revolution government, and has turned into a monstrosity that can only survive through complicity in crime, fear and oppression.
  14. The conflict with the Gülen cult; which, with the aim of seizing the state, had, for decades, established educational institutions and there trained the human resources meant to manage the targeted state institutions, had placed this human resource in critical positions and, through its activities spread all over the world, established direct and strong ties with the imperialist centers it served; has deprived AKP of a large cadre source it needs to govern the state. Thus having been forced to proceed either with very inadequate cadres or with constituents that have different opinions on some critical political issues, AKP’s capacity to govern the state and create consent in the society has also narrowed.
  15. The Presidential Government System, which envisages the incapacitation of institutions and rules and the transfer of all powers to a single person on paper, and which officialized with the “Yes” result obtained with unstamped votes in the 2017 referendum, came forward as a move by the AKP government to overcome the deadlock it was experiencing by equipping Erdoğan with unlimited powers. This move, which aimed to confine politics entirely to the Palace, has not yielded the results expected by the government to the extent that politics could not have been confined to the Palace, granted the large and small groups which are part of the ruling coalition a bargaining opportunity beyond their power, and effectively made the government more fragmented. Having partially weakened Erdoğan against the cliques around him, this regulation has, by destroying Turkey’s institutional and constitutional baggage, exacerbated the destruction caused by the counter-revolution.
  16. AKP’s boiling down to merely a counter-revolution government by failing in establishment does not mitigate the danger that this political project poses for Turkey. As the life of the AKP government, whose destructive aspect outweighs, is prolonged while no other focus, which might provide real solutions to the enormous problems created by the counter-revolution and rebuild Turkey, comes to the fore, Turkey is further getting into dead end. As the neoliberal plunder economy has resulted in a terrible collapse, the state, which has been disintegrated by the elimination of all rules and institutions in accordance with the neoliberal paradigm, cannot be re-integrated in a different balance and framework; Turkey, experiencing in its nearby a baptism of fire, has been brought to the brink of an existence-non-existence question. The counter-revolution government has dragged Turkey into collapse.
  17. Having started in 2013 with the massification of the protests against the re-construction of the Artillery Barracks, the symbol of the March 31 reactionary uprising, in Gezi Park, and their spreading throughout the country, the Gezi resistance emerged as the revolt of the Turkish modernization baggage against the AKP’s counter-revolution. The people taking action and carrying out a resistance in which the defence of laicism, independence, the Republic and state assets came to the fore prevented the complete destruction of the Republic, which was purged from the state, and transformed the Republic into the people’s flag of struggle.
  18. The June Resistance, though having failed at bringing an end to the AKP government and terminating the counter-revolution, has created an important baggage for the re-establishment of the Turkish socialist movement. The Turkish left should be re-established around the laicist, patriotic and Republican values that came to the fore in Gezi, and should, by making these values a part of the goal of revolution and socialism, become the people’s alternative for power.
  19. The purging of the Republic from the state and its turning into the people’s flag of struggle in the years of AKP necessitates a further underlining of the Republican identity of the Turkish socialist movement, which it has carried since its birth. The Turkish socialist movement, as an expression of pioneering the Republican entity that resists the counter-revolution and of the goal of crowning Turkey’s modernization baggage with socialism, should gain a revolutionary republican political identity.
  1. Under the longer-than-twenty-years counter-revolution government, Turkey has been dragged into a multi-faceted destruction. As Turkey faces an existence-non-existence question at the centennial of the Republic, history calls the revolutionaries for the duty of re-establishing Turkey on the basis of progressive values.
  2. The re-establishment of Turkey will be through putting in power a revolutionary program based on a reinterpretation of Turkey’s modernization baggage under the guidance of scientific socialism. The revolutionary movement is responsible, by creating an ideological center that would pave the way for revolution in Turkey, to come to the fore in the political and intellectual planes, and, by winning the trust of the people in the revolutionary republican line, to turn into an alternative for power.
  3. The path of the Turkish revolution passes through the revolutionaries pioneering the struggle against the counter-revolution and thus embodying the option of revolution and socialism for the elimination of the multi-faceted destruction caused by the counter-revolution government, that is, strengthening the revolutionary republican line. Such a leap would mean making socialism a solution in the context of Turkey’s current problems.
  4. The destruction caused by the counter-revolution in Turkey has been the result of the plundering of state assets by domestic and foreign capitalists, sharia aggressions, and our country being turned into a playground for international monopolies and imperialist centers. The program of the Turkish revolution will then be based on equality, independence and laicism.
  5. Having turned Turkey into a plunder, pillage and cheap labor paradise for the capitalists and descended on the people like a nightmare, the economic destruction has been the product of the neoliberal transformation and privatization plunder, its way being paved by September 12 and it being greatly accelerated by the AKP governments. All of the big businesses, especially those plundered via privatizations, should be nationalized; exploitation, unemployment and poverty should be ended with a development thrust based on labor and state ownership; all citizens of working age should be provided with humanely working opportunities.
  6. The path of development passes through central planning. The SPO, which was abolished by AKP, should be re-established based on socialist principles; a development plan should be prepared which would be meant to end Turkey’s foreign-dependence in both industry and technology as well as in agricultural and animal husbandry products, and to revive these areas via state enterprises.
  7. While the people is rapidly getting poorer, banks are announcing record profits; in electricity and natural gas, whose production and distribution networks have been privatized by the counter-revolution government, exponentially increasing bills are breaking the back of the people. All private banks should be nationalized with their transactions opened to public scrutiny; basic needs such as water, electricity, natural gas and internet should be provided by the state and, below the amount of luxury consumption, free of charge.
  8. Due to the counter-revolution government’s liquidation of state assets and state supervision mechanisms, the cost of basic services such as housing, education and healthcare is, for citizens, increasing rapidly, while their accessibility and quality are, also rapidly, decreasing. In order to solve the housing problem, which has become even more bitter especially in big cities, humane and accessible housing, by taking the housing sector under complete state supervision, should be ensured state guarantee; by nationalizing all educational and healthcare enterprises, these services should be provided by the state and completely free of charge.
  9. The imperialist aggression that the AKP has made Turkey a part of has caused hostility between us and the neighbouring peoples, and has also endangered Turkey’s security. The Republic’s principle of “Peace at home, peace in the world” should be re-adopted on the basis of socialist values, and Turkey, by establishing friendly relations with its neighbours, should aim to challenge the influence of imperialism in the region.
  10. In order to reinforce their domination over our region, imperialist centers, in addition to military aggression and economic siege, resort to political manipulations; provoke ethnic, national, religious and sectarian tensions in the region; and set the Middle Eastern peoples against each other. Imperialist interventions in the Middle East should be thwarted; peace and brotherhood should prevail among the different ethnic, national, religious and sectarian communities in our region; the tribalist, religionist and pro-American siege on the Kurds in the region should be broken.
  11. The path for Turkey to solve its own problems and challenge the influence of imperialism in the region passes through maintaining unity within and ensuring its own people to live together in fraternity. In our country, which is a common home to laborers of various origins, oppression and discrimination against citizens of diverse ethnic, religious and sectarian origins, primarily the Kurdish citizens, must end; the people should be ensured to live together as equal citizens.
  12. Membership to and alliance with imperialist institutions offer Turkey nothing but trouble. It is necessary to leave NATO, the war and provocation organization of imperialism, the Customs Union, which opens Turkey to the plunder of EU capitalists, and the IMF, which is among the architects of the neoliberal transformation that has devastated Turkey, and to terminate the EU membership process, which has been complicit in all these processes.
  13. The hitman role played, in the Middle East, by the counter-revolution government with Neo-Ottomanist dreams of conquest has left Turkey face to face with an inextricable refugee crisis. Turkey’s further involvement in the imperialist aggression against the countries that are the source of the influx of immigrants, primarily Syria, should be prevented; the conditions for the return of the refugees in humane conditions, by establishing relations with the legitimate governments of the countries subject to imperialist agression, should be created; the Readmission Agreement that turns Turkey into the border guard of the EU should be annulled.
  14. The counter-revolution government has attacked laicism in all areas; tried, by promoting cults and all kinds of sharia structures, to expand the social base of reactionism; besieged political and social life with religious ideology; and completely handed over state institutions to cadres hostile to the Republic. Cults must be banned through the implementation of Law No. 677 on the Closure of Dervish Lodges and Zawiyas; reactionary clusters should be disbanded; counter-revolutionary cadres should be purged from the state. Our country should be re-established on the basis of laicism; a new enlightenmentist mobilization should be initiated.
  15. The purge of the Republic from the state with the counter-revolution has brought about the danger of transition from the citizenship that rises on the basis of Republican values to the subjecthood understanding specific to the Sultanate regimes. Citizenship should be advocated; citizen rights and responsibilities should find a foothold in politics; popular solidarity should be organized against the reactionary networks besieging the people.
  16. Citizenship is a progressive achievement based on the active and organized presence of the people in all areas of life. In order to reclaim citizenship, the organization of the people should be expanded; the citizens should be made the subject of the struggle for the liberation of Turkey.
  17. Turkey’s future depends on the expansion of the organized struggle of the working class, youth and women. Pioneering the struggles of laborers suffering from the economic destruction, revolutionaries should expand the organization of the working class and the channels of workers’ political participation.
  18. The youth, who stands for Turkey’s future and constitutes the future’s working-class and intelligentsia potential, is surrounded by poverty, reactionism and despair due to the destruction that AKP has inflicted on Turkey. It is an urgent revolutionary task to organize the youth for struggle for the future and thus make them the hope itself, and to ensure that the youth sectors tending to leave the country with the motive of “saving oneself” connect their future and hopes to Turkey and to the struggle for the liberation of Turkey.
  19. Religionist reactionism pesters the women the most, offending and targeting them over their clothing, lifestyles, the number of children they give birth to, and the time they go out on the street. It is among the duties of the revolutionaries to strengthen women’s rising struggle against AKP and reactionism in a revolutionary line based on equality, liberty and laicism, and to expand the organization of laborer women.
  20. Having been purged by the counter-revolution government from the state, the Republic resumes to exist as the people’s flag of struggle. Constituting the pinnacle of Turkish modernization and currently being in the hands of the people, the Republic is a position never to be retreated from, but to be aimed, by getting strength from it, to be exceeded. The path to the Turkish revolution passes through uncompromising struggle against the counter-revolutionaries who try to take Turkey behind the Republic, and through the goal of putting in power, once again, the Republican legacy, which guides the people’s struggle, by blending it with socialism, that is, establishing a new, socialist republic where labor would be in power and which would be the protector of the helpless.
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